15 October 2011, Wits University, Johannesburg
YCLSA 2nd Gauteng Congress PEC Members Present; YCLSA Linda Jabane DILC Members Present; SACP DEC Members present; PYA formations represented; and YCLSA delegates from branches in good standing,
Revolutionary greetings once more from the 2nd YCLSA Gauteng Congress PEC which has the mandate and duty to give leadership and run the affairs of the YCLSA in the province under the guidance and leadership of the YCLSA National Committee, policies and programmes as well as the SACP as one whole.
Dear comrades,
In the 22nd Plenary Session of our 2nd YCLSA Gauteng Congress PEC, a three year review of the state of the organisation in the province carried through the Organisational Report was adopted. As you are aware, the Organisational Report is Part II of the Secretariat Report of the PEC. Given a thorough, Marxist-Leninist, concrete analysis of concrete conditions, the PEC decided to open the Organisational Report with a brief reflection on the basics, the fundamental tenets of the YCLSA and matters relating to its purpose. This is where we shall start and mostly focus.
Who are we, as the YCLSA? What do we stand for?
As the YCLSA we derive our existence from the SACP. We were founded, and after a long period following our banning in 1950 under the Suppression of Communism Act by the apartheid regime, which, very interestingly but sometimes not surprising although wrong to the extreme, the retired archbishop Desmond Tutu says is better than our present government, we were re-established by the Communist Party in 2003.
Comprising of young people from the age of 14 to 35, we are a youth organisation of the SACP from which we derive our nature and character as a Marxist-Leninist formation. As the YCLSA we are independent from all organisations, except the SACP as one whole, to which we are only autonomous. While as mandated by the SACP we shall take our own decisions and shape our own policies and programmes, these shall not be in conflict with the major policies and programmes of the Party. In class terms, the YCLSA is a youth organisation of a working class vanguard.
Contrary to the many ill-informed arguments that have recently surfaced and given prominence by the capitalist media in the context of what the SACP identified as rightwing, populist and demagogic tendencies springing from the crisis of capitalism as a fertile ground, it’s not our agenda to seek independence from the working class, isolate and compartmentalise ourselves away from other revolutionary formations, and adopt sectarianism. There are some who have been going around advocating an ill-informed or factional perspective that the Party is not “independent”. This is separatism, and is utterly out of order. As Marx and Engels say in the Manifesto of the Communist Party, as communists we don’t form a separate party opposed to the other working class parties, we don’t set up any sectarian principles of our own by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.
While drawing our membership from different strata of the youth, students and so on, as the YCLSA we are steeled in the working class youth as our core. These young people, as part of the working class, are, as underscored by Marx and Engels who wrote the Manifesto of the Communist Party, reduced by capitalism to ‘live only so long as they find work’ and ‘find work only so long as their labour increases capital’.
Our twin, basic tasks as the YCLSA are, essentially to:
- Serve as the political education and ideological training base of the SACP for young people; mobilise those aged 16 and above to join and take active involvement in the Party, participate in the formulation and implementation of Party policies and programmes; and rally young people behind these policies and programmes, in the NDR, the struggle for socialism, in all key centres of human activity and power.
- Advance and revolutionise the interests of young people under Marxist-Leninist guidance; develop own policies and shape own programmes but, which shall not be in conflict with the major policies and programmes of the Party, with greater emphasis, but without being sectarian, on the youth; and mobilise young people in the struggle for the achievement of a better quality of life, against both the forces and conditions that cause poor quality of life, unemployment, poverty, inequality and the exploitation of one person and class by another.
The emphasis, dear comrades, on the relationship of YCLSA policies and programmes to those of the Party derives from the principle of organisation Marxism-Leninism called democratic centralism. What does this mean?
Democratic centralism is a combination of centralism on the basis of democracy and democracy under centralised guidance. In the context of our emphasis, the Party one whole and not one too many, plays the role of centralised guidance through its upper structures and leading organs, national congresses, policy conferences, the politburo and central committee, not only to its lower structures and individual members but also to the YCLSA and its individual members. The YCLSA and its members are located within the overall ideological, political and organisational discipline of the Party one whole, and not one too many.
Why are we talking about the Party one whole and against the Party one too many? We are against, which has been argued by liberal and anarchic tendencies and also attempted, having a fragmented and incoherent Party. Previously in the Province and in some districts with Linda Jabane District included, there has been a tendency to position the Party at the provincial and district levels in opposition to the Party one whole and run them in parallel. This ill-discipline involved, and where its remnants still exist it involves, a tendency to defy Party upper structures and violate the principle of democratic centralism as applied in the concrete conditions of South Africa by the Communist Party.
In the process, manoeuvres were made to even factionalise the YCLSA and treat its lower structures as if they were or are fragmented organisations apart from the YCLSA one whole, its discipline and application of democratic centralism. This involved, and where its remnants still exist they involve, undermining the authority of the higher structures of the YCLSA over the lower structures and members. All this anarchy is what we shall not allow to prevail.
We are happy that the DILC of the YCLSA in Linda Jabane has managed to work very well with the DILC of the SACP after the Party’s PEC correctly dissolved its DEC in this district in tackling anarchy. Today in Linda Jabane District we have the first DEC of the Party in Gauteng that has been elected by a congress convened in terms of Voting District Branches. However, your task as the YCLSA in Linda Jabane is not over concerning the disruption and dismantling of anarchy. From experience the struggle against the anarchic tendency must continue. Measures must be put in place and updated to organise a permanent impossibility of the rise of the anarchic tendency.
Dear comrades, in terms of our application of the revolutionary principle of democratic centralism, all lower structures and members of the YCLSA are subordinate to upper structures with national committee and congress serving as the supreme bodies of the organisation. Once becoming a member of the YCLSA a person consents to the principle of collectivism, and outright must embark in a struggle to discard individualism and liberalism. As concerns the SACP, the YCLSA is subordinate to the Party one whole. And similarly, lower Party structures are subordinate to higher Party structures, with the national congress, central committee and politburo serving as supreme organs of the Party.
Higher structures pay attention to the views of lower structures and the rank-and-file members. We are so organised that, every rank-and-file belongs to the basic unit of the organisation, i.e. the branch, upper structures such as councils and congresses from the district level up comprise of delegates from the rank-and-file, and leading organs such as PECs and the National Committee in the case of the YCLSA and the central committee in the case of the Party not only comprise of directly elected members but also comprise of the representatives of lower leading organs as ex-officio members.
The emphasis on the YCLSA’s subordinate position to the Party as one whole highlights how the Party applied its collective wisdom and considered its collective experience based on the specific conditions of South Africa in articulating the principle of democratic centralism concerning the relationship between the YCLSA and the Party.
And concerning the Party’s further organisation and relationship of the YCLSA to the Party in line with the principle of democratic centralism, leading organs of the Party from the branch level up not only comprise of directly elected members but also representatives of the YCLSA serving as ex-officio members. Councils, conferences and congresses of the Party not only comprise of voting delegates from the rank-and-file of the Party, but also voting delegates from the YCLSA.
Understanding the nature and character of the YCLSA, its relationship to the Party and the principle of democratic centralism, is very important to appreciating, for example, why it was not a matter of choice but compulsory for us to succeed, both within the province and in terms of our 3rd National Congress, in Linda Jabane District, to combat tendencies that sought to create oppositionist parallelism through members to structures, lower structures to higher structures, and the YCLSA to the SACP and factionalise it. As for the YCLSA, any tendency that seeks to create parallelism and oppositionism in the organisation is nothing else but liquidationist. Its result is the liquidation of the YCLSA and shall not be allowed by revolutionaries in the YCLSA, and by the Party itself, the mother body of the YCLSA.
As the three year review of the state of the organisation states in summing up the collective wisdom and experience of the leadership, the 2nd YCLSA Gauteng Congress PEC, it has become important not to leave anything to chance, not to take anything for granted. These basics are important to start with and repeatedly highlight. Underpinning this, dear comrades, among others are to ensure that we don’t derail and become something else and serve other purposes than those for which the SACP founded and re-established us as the YCLSA.
Just recently in the run up to and during our 3rd National Congress for example, we have had to confront and tackle an agenda that sought to hijack the YCLSA from its purpose and turn it into an internal oppositionist parallel to the SACP. As part of its activities the anarchic tendency violated the revolutionary principle of democratic centralism, which, once dismantled it’s over with the YCLSA and the Party.
The Party is this year 90 years old. It has outlived many individuals who came and are gone and must outlive many individuals who have come and are going. If an individual just arrived yesterday, either through birth or membership to the Party and wants to do away with the Party, that individual shall fail. Our efforts to build a strong, larger, united, coherent and better Party, wage struggles for a socialist oriented NDR and socialism can’t be allowed to be terminated by individuals and shall never demobilise.
The anarchic tendency, in its onslaught against revolutionary discipline, sought to replace democratic centralism with tendencies of liberalism which emerged on the part of certain individuals who went out of the organisation and its leadership structures to dissociate, with the use and aid of the all capitalist media, by publicly pronouncing their differing positions and worse, referencing the titles to which they were elected in the organisation. Next to this, was an argument that we must formally, with the word “decriminalise” used, allow factions in the organisation! Jo! Never! We refused to agree. We noted something has taken place and will develop further in its opportunism.
The perspectives, strategic and tactical choices adopted by the Party, of which the YCLSA was involved in adopting as captured in the organic articulation of the principle of democratic centralism, were declared false to reality. To this end manoeuvres were embarked upon to turn the YCLSA as a vehicle and its meetings and gatherings as factional platforms. As our three year organisational review states, all of a sudden we were told both in writing and narratives, that the Party was wrong to say tendencies such as tenderpreneurs and the new tendency exist.
Least did some notice that the narrator was gone already, gone into the agenda of the tenderpreneurs and the new tendency and that this was just a formal notice of an intention already in concert. Coupled with this, a personality cult emerged around which to mobilise. And as our Linda Jabane District Organising Secretary Comrade Richard Mamabolo states, an agenda to indoctrinate naive comrades with all the corrupted analyses against the Party’s strategic and tactical choices, factionally, against its leadership and the YCLSA, emerged.
Our three year organisational review highlights the achievements we have made in defeating this liberalism, factionalism, anarchy and the like, but cautions that there are still remnants orbiting around, searching and seeking to create an opportunity for disunity. Some of the manoeuvres by this liberalism, factionalism, anarchy and the like, for example collaboration with the capitalist media in what is actually its pursuit of capitalist class struggle against the Party and the YCLSA, and overall against the working class, to some extent continued into 2011. In the province we acted decisively. Only remnants where they rear their heads must further be dealt with.
Also, if you are YCLSA and Party member and you get taken by other platforms elsewhere and use them to attack the YCLSA and the Party you must know that you are a comrade going wrong or already gone wrong. Regardless, for instance, of whether you were not present, you dislike or opposed during decision-making process or later come to realise that you don’t want, a particular Party line, you are still obliged to implement and defend it. Even if he had problems with a decision to dissolve the MK, the late SACP General Secretary and MK Commander in Chief Comrade Chris Hani implemented the decision and defended it. That’s the best example of a disciplined cadre with respect to the principle of democratic centralism.
In moving forward dear comrades, because of the input made by Linda Jabane DILC in the 22nd Plenary Session of our 2nd Gauteng Congress PEC, the leadership has agreed to a programme of ensuring a highly welcoming reception and environment to all comrades as long as they are prepared to support the policies and programmes of the YCLSA and the Party, abide by and respect the constitutions, codes on conduct and the leaderships of the YCLSA and the Party, follow the principle of democratic centralism to the latter and Marxism-Leninism as applied by the YCLSA and the Party.
This is an important basis of our unity through the YCLSA and the SACP. This, however, does not mean abandoning discipline. To the contrary, it means upholding revolutionary iron fist discipline without fear or favour to a moment. It also means addressing the remnants of liberalism, factionalism, anarchy and disunity in the organisation with vigour and rigorously. We have agreed that coupled with this we shall intensify political education and ideological training under the direction of the PEC to achieve the broader goals of political education and ideological training and to curtail space and time for a possibility for any comrade to be misled.
Dear comrades, it’s important that we all congratulate and thank the leadership of the DILC under the commandership of comrades Richard and Alex. We must confer our round of applause to the DILC. The DILC was tasked by the PEC to rebuild the organisation after all the impacts by different tendencies showered Linda Jabane District with all sorts of effects of which some we briefly touched on.
The DILC performed very well and in the process its members were also deployed to form part of the PEC tasks, in particular, in dealing with the challenges facing basic education in the province. We must confer another round of applause to the DILC: Comrades Richard Mamabolo, Alex Mdakane, Matankana Mothapo, Vuyolethu Sisanqane, Tebogo Makola, Mmusi Serobatse, Eskia Lebogang Molekwa, Christina Mohlaloga, Lebogang Mabe, Sarah Tshabalala, Vusi Mhlongo, Thandwa Ncapayi, Prince Phalane, Musa Mthembu and Gaiyers Mudzuli.
We hope that anyone of the comrades who might have been tempted to go offline would have been brought back very quickly without the necessity to bring that to the attention of the PEC.
The synopsis of the international context
Dear comrades, your district congress is taking place in the context of a capitalist crisis that erupted on a global scale since 2008 and is still going on. After this crisis erupted, states bailed out private capital. In the process some of them became bankrupt. The levels of state indebtedness in many parts of the world increased tremendously. In the so-called Euro zone crisis, which is but part of the broader global capitalist crisis, manoeuvres are high to bail out finance and other sections of capital, in the name of bailing out the worse affected states such as Greece. Our analysis of this crisis in the province as located within the analysis of the organisation as a whole should be known to you but is covered in detail in the Province’s Secretariat Report to be presented later in the coming weeks.
We are interested in the nature and character of a programme you will adopt, under the leadership, programme and policies as set out by upper YCLSA organs and the Party as one whole. We look forward to seeing a report of your deliberations on this crisis, not only on dealing with its effects as it’s others’ obsession but also in terms of the underpinnings of crisis and capitalism, broader political and class struggle that underline and have arisen from the crisis. In this regard, one of the things we are interested in the programme you will adopt, in accordance with the Party line, are your methods of work to close rank and tackle rightwing demagogy, populism and their forms of mobilisation as tendencies.
To highlight some few international questions of our day, in the African continent, dear comrades, using the global capitalist crisis, unfortunately imperialism has deepened, become more aggressive and divisive. It’s in this context that NATO became rebels in Libya in pursuit of regime change and exploitation of oil and labour in that country. As you are aware, France spearheaded a coup d’état and installed an undemocratic government in Ivory Coast. Swaziland under a king remains absolutely anti-democratic. These are some of the problems that Africa is faced with. The people of Palestine are still facing USA-automatic supported Israeli apartheid. Cuba is still faced with an illegal economic blockade by the imperialist USA. The Cuban Five are still facing injustice by the USA.
We have reason to expect good contributions on these matters from your congress. You would note that as a result of some the problems faced by African countries, Gauteng, and within it Linda Jabane is host to many people from other countries. That experience alone furnishes the basis of our expectations to you. Failure to emerge clearly in this regard could find us faced with a possibility of another mini-crisis of xenophobic eruptions of which we collectively condemned.
Unemployment, poverty and inequality
Dear comrades, we are also faced with, although Gauteng reflects somewhat a different pattern of statistics to other provinces, the challenges of high unemployment which affects youth the most, high levels of poverty and income inequality. In part I of the Provincial Secretariat Report, we highlight from Marx in Capital Volume I and the Poverty of Philosophy that the underpinning reality is that unemployment, poverty and inequality are necessary products, levers and conditions of the accumulation of wealth on a capitalist basis. We also take into account the impact of the global crisis of imperialism in increasing unemployment, poverty and inequality. We expect a scientific approach to these questions from your congress, dear comrades. Rather than compartmentalising your search for the causes of these problems within the boundaries of the district, the province and borders of the country, we expect you to approach these matters universally in enquiry.
We also expect you to reflect scientifically on and deal with the challenges of education, training and skills development in the district, province and the country.
Soweto has recently attracted numerous responses to the crisis of basic education that it suffers. The township, the largest not only in the province but also in the country, is together with Evaton the poorly performing areas in terms of learner performance. It’s important for your congress to analyse and come up with resolutions on dealing with this problem. When you do so, please maintain and don’t depart from class analysis, about which our Party General Secretary Comrade Dr Blade Nzimande said we must make a habit. We expect you therefore to analyse the class structure of the causes and consequences of the problems of basic education in the district in general and Soweto’s basic education crisis in particular. As a matter of fact, there could be some class forces who are benefiting from crises such as the Soweto basic education crisis or it could be that the crisis is caused by various forms and activities of accumulation by some class forces in that area.
The rise of the bourgeoisie in the NDR and some of the consequences
Very recently, we have seen in our broader movement an internal mobilisation that led to the ANC’s flag, t-shirts bearing the pictures of President Comrade Jacob Zuma and posters bearing the pictures of our SACP General Secretary Comrade Dr Blade Nzimande burned. This happened right in your district. We expect that you reflect in detail about such anarchy and take forward the revolutionary line of the YCLSA to defend the ANC, the SACP and its leadership who are factionally attacked by permanent congress residents.
As you know comrades, we have encountered a rise in our movement, of a tendency by some elements to always discuss and lobby for new leadership to the extent that happens just immediately when a congress or conference is adjourned. This, dear comrades, reflects the rise of the bourgeoisie and its influence in our broader movement, and corruption based on the system of tenders to serve personal and selfish interests of private accumulation. For example if leadership has been elected and a section of the bourgeoisie thinks it will not benefit the allocation of tenders immediately they seek a replacement leadership that will give them tenders. This agenda, if we are not careful, has become creative to exploit the genuine interests of the people in advancing private accumulation interests.
In this regard, we declared that we shall defend the party and its leadership as a matter of principle unless we are eliminated beyond trace of having ever existed. We also expect you to reflect on taking this forward and defending our movement from political criminals and all sorts of the lumpen, tenderpreneurs and the capitalist class in general.
Property relations
Over the past period the question of nationalisation has come into discourse. We are looking forward to you to give proper political and ideological guidance to young people wherever they are on this and other matters. In the Manifesto of the Communist Party Marx and Engels write that the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, wrestle, by degree, all capital from the capitalist class and centralise the instruments of production and credit in the hands of the state, i.e. the proletariat organised as the state.
As Marxists-Leninists, you mustn’t fall into the confusion of dealing with the question of state ownership in isolation from the question of the nature and character of the state. The Party has highlighted this question by underlining the nationalisation and state ownership that took place under apartheid and Hitler. Very recently in the USA when the crisis of capitalism erupted, the state bailed out finance and industrial capitals and in the process assumed varying degrees of ownership, the so-called nationalisation.
So it’s true that nationalisation is not inherently progressive, and neither is it always working class nor always beneficial to the working class. As historical material shows, nationalisation can and has been carried out in particular settings to benefit the capitalist class, regardless of the colour of the capitalists. To some who have adopted factional and conspiratorial approaches against the Party, by highlighting these historical realities and press for working class programmes the Party is opposed to progressive initiatives. That’s nonsense!
When the Party highlights some of these realities, not that it’s opposed to nationalisation, but is playing its working class vanguard role, some bring about narrow academic style arguments in defence of the black capitalist class that came under crisis in the mining sector BEE deals. The Party is told that the black capitalist class is, by numbers and percentages, insignificant in the mining industry, and therefore it mustn’t say out the truth that some elements of the black capitalist class who came under crisis in the mining sector approached it to lobby that it must take up a campaign on the nationalisation of mines. This argument is senseless! In the Manifesto of the Communist Party Marx and Engels say it’s the duty of communists to take the property question to the front no matter its degree of development.
Those capitalists did so, taking forward their interests, to benefit from transactions selling to and buying by the state in the absence of private buyers who are risk-hedging. Capitalists work like this. They bring out money (M), sometimes borrowed elsewhere from other capitalists or State Finance Institutions (SFIs), to buy commodities (C) at less value, which may be means of production and labour power, have workers produce commodities with a higher value (C) due to value added by their labour, and sell those commodities for more money (M’). This is the basic formula of capital, written by Marx as M—C—M’.
In Capital Volume I Marx writes that when the contradiction between the socialisation of production on the one hand and private accumulation and its concentration in fewer and fewer hands on the other come into collision the expropriators are expropriated. Our programme, no matter the flexibility in tactics depending on a moment, is to ultimately expropriate the expropriators. At that time we shall pay no compensation to those who don’t deserve it, i.e. the capitalist. In the ultimate analysis it’s workers’ appropriated and unpaid labour that capitalists use to pay loans, interests and buy means of production. If any deserve compensation that’s workers, and to compensate them properly not only the means of production but also all capital as Marx and Engels state in the Manifesto of the Communist Party must be expropriated from the capitalists.
Dear comrades the Party’s Medium Term Vision (MTV) is the best programme to take forward. This programme is essentially about contesting power in all key sites of power and building working class hegemony. Once the party abandons the MTV as other argue or urge it to then it will become moribund. We are looking forward to you to give clarity of task in your district how best to take forward the party’s MTV.
Dear comrades, we are also looking forward to you to getting into further details about these matters and clarifying young people. But as Lenin wrote to young communists, we must read, read and read, read properly and proper stuff, read and read, read even between the lines, we must read reality, not only books, articles, reports etc.
The debate on nationalisation of the mines has been narrow and focused on one sector only. Even in that sector, the minerals sector, the self-declared champions of the debate have committed too much neglect on the fact that the democratic government transferred the minerals to the people as a whole with the state as the custodian. Because of this neglect, lack of consideration has been committed on how best democratic control can be developed and exercised to transfer maximum benefit from the minerals to the people as a whole. Similarly, matters relating to formulating appropriate policies to develop and expand manufacturing of high value added finished products instead of simply extracting minerals and exporting them as raw materials are neglected.
The ownership and control of the labour process, i.e. mining, and the associated means of production in the sector, is critical. It must rigorously be advanced, but in revolutionary ways. But reducing everything in the sector and everything in the economy to it is to turn even narrower. The debate has not only been narrow but it has also been used as a factional tool in a battle for the control and leadership of the ANC in 2012. It has fallen victim to and misappropriated by demagogues.
It’s very important to set the basis for your discussion on this matter by stating that you must proceed and never deviate from Party resolutions on the matter. The Party had for some times been a lone voice and campaigner calling for the re-nationalisation of SASOL and ArcelorMittal and for the transformation of ownership, control and service in the financial sector. For sometimes the Party has been the lone voice and campaigner for the development of co-operatives and a vibrant co-operatives movement. The Party’s congress resolutions are clear not just on the question of nationalisation but on the property question broadly. To sum up, the Party stands for socialisation of ownership and control of means of production by the direct producers, i.e. the working class. In this context working class nationalisation, not demagogue and capitalist nationalisations, is but one of the means to an end and not an end on its own.
In Socialism, Utopian and Scientific Engels gives further clarity about the question of state ownership and why it’s not always or inherently progressive. Dear comrades, spurious, petty bourgeoisie, reactionary socialisms’ propositions do exist. Those are not ours. Ours is scientific socialism. Engels’s work is important to look at in your deliberations.
Dear comrades, as the YCLSA in Gauteng we are championing the rolling back of the tender system as part of bringing the property question to the front in a revolutionary way. The tender system is among the sources of the many new problems that our movement started to encounter post-1994 as the leader of government and least in the Arms Deal of which the President has recently announced a judicial commission of enquiry to investigate. When you debate the questions of unemployment, poverty and inequality, please don’t leave out the question of the tender system as one of the sources.
When you discuss corruption please don’t leave out the question of the tender system as one of the material bases. Some fellows are deeply involved in tenderpreneuring, and even tender corruption, they hold tenders and accumulate from them. In particular when these are part of those calling for “nationalisation” they are involved in a deceptive contradiction.
We ask you to come out clear on the question of tenders from your congress. We don’t only want transparency; we want the system of tenders to be rolled back. The Greater Johannesburg Metro, we expect you to say, must review all outsourced operations and bring them back in the public service. The Metro, we expect you to say, must build capacity and expand the public service, it must do away with labour brokers. We expect you to emerge with a powerful campaign and programme in this regard.
Dear comrades, as the YCLSA we have a document titled Transformation of Property Relations in South Africa. This document deals with the question concerning ownership and control in much a broader way and will further improve as we engage. We hope you have familiarised yourselves with it and will take the engagement further.
One of the things the document says is that our programme on the transformation of property relations as communists must deal with both the so-called emerging, with BEE “capitalists” included, and established capitalists. This means that we mustn’t exonerate, for example in mining used here as an example, the established capital and concentrate only in dealing with the so-called emerging capital. Conversely, it also means we mustn’t exonerate and advantage “emerging capital” as it’s others’ programme and concentrate only on dealing with the established capital. This is class struggle comrades and we must take all antagonists, including in larva stage, head on.
Dear comrades, feel free to advance and defend the YCLSA and the Party, their policies and programmes. That’s your responsibility and duty, because democratic centralism says so. You can never be a sell-out for doing that. Only factionalists and class enemies will call you a sell out if you do so and you must feel proud when they say so!
That’s our understanding and colour mustn’t blind us.
We wish you the very best!
Thank you, dear comrades, and welcome once more to those attending a congress of the YCLSA for the first time!
Amandla ke Maatla, power!
